quarta-feira, 1 de outubro de 2014

MARINA SILVA: É POSSÍVEL SERVIR A DOIS SENHORES?

Theotonio Dos Santos

Professor Visitante da UERJ, Professor Emérito da UFF, Premio Mundial de Economista

Marxiano 2013 (WAPE), Presidente da Cátedra e Rede da UNESCO sobre Economia Global e Desenvolvimento Sustentável (REGGEN).


É lamentável ser obrigado a colocar em evidência o que já deveria ser sabido há muito tempo mas que é sempre ocultado pelos meios de comunicação mais importantes. Em geral se desconhece no Brasil os mecanismos pelos quais o governo dos Estados Unidos e os grupos de interesse organizados a partir daquele pais interveem ativamente na vida política do nosso pais.


Isto é normal,  pois a função de centro hegemônico do sistema mundial que  este país ostenta o leva a desenvolver mecanismos de intervenção diversificados que atuam sobre vários setores da vida econômica, politica, social e cultural. Veja-se o bombardeio sobre os povos do Oriente Médio neste momento.


Entre estes mecanismos é pouco conhecida a criação de instituições voltadas para a formação e filiação de quadros políticos que se subordinam aos objetivos estratégicos colocados por estas entidades. Trata-se claramente do estabelecimento de um time de ponta a serviço dos poderosos interesses dos capitais nacionais e transnacionais que buscam operar cada vez mais com princípios e objetivos comuns.


Uma destas instituições extremamente influente nas Américas é o Diálogo Interamericano, fundado em 1982. Segundo  seu site, ele é “ o principal centro dos EUA de análise politica, intercâmbio e comunicação sobre assuntos do Hemisfério Ocidental”


Quem compôem este diálogo?  Responde o website: “Os seletos membros do Diálogo são 100 (destaque meu) cidadãos  ilustres de todo o continente americano, incluindo politicos, empresários, acadêmicos, jornalistas e outros líderes não-governamentais. Dos (100!!!, outra nota minha) membros do Diálogo dezesseis (16) serviram como presidentes de seus países e mais de três dezenas (30) serviram ao nível ministerial.”


Há bastante clareza de que estes membros seletos estão articulados com outras redes e atividades que são financiadas por “indivíduos, empresas, governos e fundações que ajudam a apoiar seus programas  e fornecer  receita operacional essencial”.


Gostaria de assinalar que estas empresas são um grupo de 108 corporações trans-nacionais  que estão na lista das 500 maiores empresas do mundo. Também encontramos uma lista de 21 organizações governamentais e não governamentais e 11 fundações. Os leitores interessados nestes “detalhes” dispõem desta lista no site do Diálogo Interamericano. Estes poderosos senhores são membros do 1% de cidadãos do mundo que são proprietários de 47% da riqueza mundial, segundo o Banco Suisso, num excelente estudo recente sobre o tema.


Pois bem, quem são os proeminentes 100 cidadãos do mundo que formam esta “bem intencionada” rede que atrai os recursos destas pontas da “elite” econômica e política mundial. Não nos cabe apresentar em detalhe esta rede aqui, mas podemos perguntar-nos: como farão para compatibilizar eticamente sua militância em organizações politicas nos seus países e sua fidelidade a uma organização com uma clara ambição de exercer um poder mundial a serviço de seus membros financiadores.


Dada nossa preocupação com o processo eleitoral presente no  Brasil neste momento, reservamos a apresentar a  lista dos membros brasileiros da Aliança Inter americana, segundo a lista oferecida pelo seu website:


Membros Brasileiros:


Fernando Henrique Cardoso (Conselho de Administração - Presidente Emérito). Ex-presidente do Brasil.


Luiz Fernando Furlan. Presidente do Conselho da Fundação Amazônia Sustentável e ex-presidente do Conselho de Administração da Sadia – SA.


Marcos Jank (Conselho de Administração). Diretor Executivo Global de Assuntos Corporativos (responsável pelas áreas de relações governamentais, relações públicas, sustentabilidade e pelo Instituto BRF; responsável também pelos investimentos sociais da empresa) da BRF.


Ellen Gracie Northfleet. Ex-presidente do Supremo Tribunal Federal do Brasil.


Jacqueline Pitanguy. Coordenadora Executiva – CEPIA; Presidente do Conselho Diretor do Fundo Global para Mulher; Membro do Conselho Curador do Fundo Brasil de Direitos Humanos.


Marina Silva. Ex-senadora e Ministra do Meio Ambiente do Brasil.


Roberto Teixeira da Costa. ex-Membro da Diretoria da BNDESPAR.


Jorge Viana. Senator, Partido dos Trabalhadores.


Henrique Campos Meirelles (em licença). Presidente do Banco Lazard Americas.

A presença da candidata a Presidente Marina Silva nesta lista tão seleta pode parecer um arranjo de última hora para influenciar as eleições. Não. A senhora Marina Silva é fundadora desta organização  que conta com o ex-Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso como presidente emérito. Ele foi presidente desta organização em representação da América Latina enquanto Sol Linowitz (Importante assessor da família Rockfeller) representava os EUA. Nenhuma desta coisas e muitas outras foram divulgadas na imprensa brasileira que noticia tão amplamente as atividades dos cidadãos aqui citados. Isto se deve ao caráter secreto ou reservado destas ações?


Creio que os cidadãos brasileiros têm o direito de ter acesso a este tipo de informação. Creio que deve saber que ninguém chega à disputa do poder político principal de um país como o Brasil sendo um simples “coitado (a)” e que tem atrás dele poderosos interesses políticos, sociais e – sobretudo – econômicos.  E está claro que estes interesses são exclusivos da classe dominante do mundo contemporâneo   e se algum trabalhador quer votar nestas pessoas ele precisa saber que está traindo os interesses e as necessidades de sua classe de origem.


Mas talvez o leitor prefira escutar a voz do porta voz da Aliança Inter–Americana recém publicado no Latin Post de 18 de Setembro, citando um telegrama da Associated Press::


”If she wins, Silva will be the country’s first black (sic) president, AP reports.
“If elected, she has such a remarkable personal story that she’d come to the presidency with a lot of legitimacy, tremendous excitement and high expectations,  Michael Shifter, president of the Washington-based Inter-American Dialogue, said.”
“Se ela ganha, Silva (Marina) será o primeiro negro (sic sobre a origem étnica de Marina) presidente, disse o informe da Associated Press. Se ela for eleita , ela tem uma história pessoal tão marcante que ela levará para a presidência uma grande quantidade de legitimação, uma excitação tremenda e altas expectativas, disse o presidente do Diálogo Inter americano.”  O atual presidente da Aliança Interamericana e as centenas de grupos econômicos que a financia, não conseguem ocultar seu entusiasmo.


É POSSÍVEL SERVIR A DOIS SENHORES?
 É possível servir  a dois senhores? A resposta de Jesus Cristo ao provocador foi muito hábil mas definitiva:   “ A César o que é de César, a Deus o que é de Deus.”  O cristianismo foi a religião dos escravos e dos explorados pelo Império Romano. O Império Romano esclareceu a opção do Império Romano com a condenação e a execução de Jesus Cristo...  No final daquela Era,  os cristãos derrotaram o Império Romano e instituir o Império Bizantino.


Esta senhora  já tem seu lado. Você vai ajudar seus amigos da elite colocá-la no governo para disporem deste poder a mais no mundo atual. Você vai ajudar  a botá-los do poder?


APẼNDICE:
“Latin Post
Sep 18, 2014 12:36 PM EDT


Marina Silva to Push Cuba Toward Democracy, Work on Relationship With US if She Wins 2014 Brazil Presidential Race
By Scharon Harding
marina-silva-brazil-2014
A month ago, Marina Silva entered the race to become the president of Brazil, after the candidate from her Socialist Party was killed in a plane crash. Now the candidate, who is in a head-to-head race against the incumbent, has given her first foreign interview since joining the race.
Silva is in a “dead-heat” race with Dilma Rousseff, the incumbent, The Associated Press reports. The incumbent is the candidate for the Workers Party, which Silva helped found.
In her interview, Silva explained how she plans to assuage concerns of Brazilians who lament an ineffective and corrupt political system.
“It’s neither the parties nor the political leaders who will bring about change,” she said. “It’s the movements who are changing us.”
Silva has gained popularity thanks to her past work as an activist for the Amazon rainforest and as an environment minister. During her time as environment minister, she helped her country deter deforestation of its jungles.
“Brazil has a great opportunity to become a global leader by leading by example,” Silva said in reference to environmental and human rights issues. “Our values cannot be modified because of ideological or political reasons, or because of pure economic interest.”
Because of her dedication to human rights, Brazil’s approach toward countries like Cuba, China, Iran and Venezuela may see a different focus if Silva becomes president.
“The best way to help the Cuban people is by understanding that they can make a transition from the current regime to democracy, and that we don’t need to cut any type of relations,” Silva explained. “It’s enough that we help through the diplomatic process, so that these [human rights] values are pursued.”
If elected, Silva also plans to fix the relationship between the U.S. and Brazil. The countries’ relationship has been strained ever since the National Security Agency was found to have targeted Brazilian officials like Rousseff via espionage programs more than a year ago.
“Both nations need to improve this situation, to repair the ties of cooperation,” Silva said. “The Brazilian government has the absolute right to not accept any such interference, but we also cannot simply remain frozen with this problem.”
Brazilians will cast their vote for president on Oct. 5, but the vote is expected to go into a second-round ballot three weeks later.
If she wins, Silva will be the country’s first black president, AP reports.
“If elected, she has such a remarkable personal story that she’d come to the presidency with a lot of legitimacy, tremendous excitement and high expectations,” Michael Shifter, president of the Washington-based Inter-American Dialogue, said.

Follow Scharon Harding on Twitter: @ScharHar.

 

sexta-feira, 26 de setembro de 2014

EL PRINCIPAL PERIÓDICO COLOMBIANO CONTINÚA LA COBERTURA DE LA CONFERENCIA DE MONICA BRUCKMANN EN EL ENCUENTRO SOBRE EL ÁGUA.

El 'fracking' puede ser una aventura técnica con impactos negativos

Investigadora de Unesco dice que esa tecnología sí puede afectar recursos como el agua


Utilizar el 'fracking' para la obtención de recursos como el gas licuado es arriesgarse a "una aventura tecnológica cuyo impacto ambiental está advirtiéndose que puede ser negativo", dijo hoy la investigadora de la cátedra sobre economía global de la Unesco Mónica Bruckmann.

Esta catedrática y también asesora de Unasur agregó que uno de esos impactos adversos es la contaminación futura de las fuentes de agua."Hay una colección de evidencias en Estados Unidos, que  la contaminación de fuentes de agua en regiones muy lejanas, se debe al 'fracking', porque se han contaminado a partir de las capas muy profundas de la tierra fracturadas, geológicamente hablando". 

Bruckmann hizo este planteamiento en el marco del Foro Nacional del Agua que se inició este jueves en Bogotá, en su séptima edición,  en el que participan conferencistas y expertos nacionales internacionales.

"Hay evidencias fuertes con el uso del 'fracking', porque se están impactando las capas freáticas, se están afectando geológicamente las capas tectónicas, lo que puede llevar a resquebrajamientos internos a grandes profundidades y llevar a desbalances geológicos, con impactos aún impredecibles", manifestó la investigadora.

Al intervenir en el foro organizado por la Universidad Central, con el tema de la 'Geopolítica del agua', Bruckmann dijo igualmente que, de acuerdo con un estudio de la Comisión Económica para América Latina (Cepal), los conflictos sociales en los últimos 5 años en la región ha tenido que ver la explotación minera que afecta directamente el recurso hídrico. Un 35 por ciento de esos conflictos se relaciona con la extracción del oro que requiere el agua y demolición de rocas. "Por cada gramo de oro que se quiere obtener hay que demoler 2 toneladas de roca".

América Latina guarda hoy el 30 por ciento de las reservas hídricas en el mundo. De igual forma, Colombia es actualmente es el segundo país más biodiverso de la región.

Comentó, además,  que las investigaciones realizadas indican que América Latina  puede ser en el futuro un centro de la disputa o el conflicto de grandes potencias para  obtener, por razones de su seguridad nacional, recursos hídricos que se les están agotando a países como Estados Unidos o China.

El foro fue instalado por el rector de la Universidad Central, Rafael Santos, quien señaló que la pobreza del agua que hay en Colombia, no se refiere solamente a la escasez del recursos, sino también a las dificultades que tiene la población para acceder al líquido potable, y a la "deficitaria gestión que se ejerce sobre ella".

En el encuentro participó igualmente el embajador de México en Colombia, Arnulfo Valdivia, quien expresó que su país es uno de los que mayores retos enfrenta en materia hídrica. "No es raro que en un mismo día tengamos una ciudad inundada gravemente en el sur y una sequía que asfixia en el norte".
Comentó que con el Programa Nacional de Infraestructura 2014-2018 que ha diseñado el Gobierno Nacional de México se invertirán 31.900 millones de dólares en obras hidráulicas para fortalecer el abastecimiento de agua, el riego agrícola y elevar la protección de las ciudades contra las inundaciones.

BOGOTÁ

Foto da Conferência da Professora Mônica Bruckman no Fórum Nacional da Água de Bogotá.


quinta-feira, 25 de setembro de 2014

ENTREVISTA DE MONICA BRUCKMANN AO JORNAL EL TIEMPO DE BOGOTÁ SOBRE A LUTA GEOPOLÍTICA MUNDIAL SOBRE A ÁGUA.

A CIENTISTA POLÍTICA MONICA BRUCKMANN REALIZA A CONFERENCIA INAUGURAL DO SEMINÁRIO SOBRE A IMPORTÂNCIA DA ÁGUA NO MUNDO CONTEMPORÂNEO.



'La guerra por agua es una amenaza real': experta de Unesco

La región tiene el 30 % de reservas hídricas del planeta. Autoridades y ciudadanos, a cuidarlas.




Foto: ARCHIVO EL TIEMPO
La Amazonia tiene el 30 % de las reservas hídricas del planeta, y crecieron con el hallazg

Los silencios, pero esos prolongados que Mónica Bruckmann vivió a la edad de 8 años, en la selva amazónica del Perú, donde residió con sus padres en un aserradero durante un año, fueron los que marcaron lo que es ella hoy: una socióloga investigadora de los recursos naturales, del agua, de la Cátedra y Red Unesco, la universidad de las Naciones Unidas sobre Economía Global y Sostenible.

Bruckmann, que estará este jueves en el Foro Nacional del Agua organizado por la Universidad Central en Bogotá, señaló que hay un escenario futuro muy crítico en las reservas de agua para países como Estados Unidos, China e India, mientras que América del Sur tiene el 30 por ciento de esos recursos en el planeta. “Hay recursos naturales estratégicos que pueden colocar a nuestra región como centro de disputa en una lógica geopolítica”, dijo a EL TIEMPO. (Lea también: Recuperarán 350 millones de hectáreas degradadas en el mundo).

¿Qué tan grave es la escasez de agua en el mundo?

Hay regiones que tienen escasez evidente y un escenario futuro más crítico, como es el caso de África, que durante 20 años tuvo una sobreexplotación de recursos hídricos, para atender, sobre todo, el mercado europeo, para el consumo de agua embotellada. En Asia, los principales acuíferos tienen una presión muy grande por el alto consumo de China; y otro país crítico es India, que tiene uno de los problemas más graves de abastecimiento de agua para la población. En Estados Unidos avanza un proceso de desertificación y las mediciones muestran que las reservas se estarían consumiendo a un ritmo de un metro lineal por año, que en 10 o 12 años creará una situación grave. En cambio, América del Sur tiene el 30 por ciento de las reservas hídricas del planeta, a las que se suma el gran descubrimiento hecho con el acuífero Alter do Chao, en Brasil, que es un ‘mar de agua dulce’.

En su concepto, ¿cuál es la mayor amenaza que tiene hoy el agua?

Geopolíticamente, tenemos como amenaza la guerra para el acceso y la gestión de recursos naturales estratégicos, y el agua es uno de ellos. Si se hace un balance de las guerras desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, de alguna manera la mayoría tiene que ver con el acceso y la gestión del recurso natural estratégico, como el petróleo y el gas. He dedicado mucho tiempo a analizar el pensamiento estratégico detrás de esa lógica y las políticas. Por ejemplo, queda claro que en los documentos de política científica, tecnológicos y militares de países que son centrales en la economía mundial, se establece que el acceso al recurso natural estratégico es cuestión de seguridad nacional.

¿Se exagera cuando se dice que en el futuro los conflictos mundiales serán originados por el acceso al agua?

Es un escenario posible futuro, es una amenaza real. Varios analistas vienen levantando esa hipótesis hace varios años. Recordemos que en el continente hay importantes reservas de petróleo. Somos la región en la que de los 10 países más megadiversos del mundo, 5 son suramericanos. Y la biodiversidad no es simplemente un elemento del medioambiente, sino también base material para producir avances científicos que desarrolla la humanidad, por ejemplo, en biotecnología y en el genoma humano. América del Sur tiene reservas importantísimas, el agua es una de ellas, y como fuente abastecedora de otros recursos como los minerales, de los que dependen EE. UU. y China, podrían poner al continente como centro de disputa en esa lógica de que los recursos tienen que ver con la seguridad nacional.

¿Qué piensa sobre Bogotá, que estableció el derecho al agua con un mínimo vital que beneficia a más de 700.000 personas de bajos recursos?

En general, puedo decir que en América el Sur hay una reorientación, al más alto nivel del Estado, que amplía un conjunto de derechos considerados fundamentales, y uno de ellos es el del agua. En la región hay un movimiento que busca que el Estado garantice a la población derechos de gestión, pero también el usufructo de recurso vitales y estratégicos.

‘A hacer adecuada gestión y buen uso del recurso’

¿Cuál es su mensaje a la población sobre el uso del recurso?

Que el tema del agua es un asunto extremadamente serio. Debe trascender la academia y el ámbito de las organizaciones sociales y los gestores públicos. La situación actual en el mundo, en América Latina y en Colombia merece una evaluación, un compromiso de todos.

Creo también que se requiere la concientización sobre el buen uso del recurso doméstico en los sectores urbanos y evitar los procesos de contaminación de las fuentes hídricas para lograr la sostenibilidad de las reservas hídricas. Aquí también debe haber un compromiso de las altas autoridades, que deben crear marcos legales para la adecuada gestión y buen uso de ese recurso. Aunque lo tengamos, debemos cuidarlo.

La crisis de abastecimiento, en el Foro Nacional del Agua

La pobreza del agua, desde los puntos de vista de la crisis de la gobernanza de este recurso, los problemas de abastecimiento y los conflictos por el dominio y uso de las fuentes, son algunos de los temas que se tratarán en la séptima edición del Foro Nacional del Agua, que se iniciará hoy en Bogotá.

El evento, promovido por la Universidad Central, comienza hoy en el Teatro México, con la participación de la investigadora de la Unesco Mónica Bruckmann, quien hablará sobre la geopolítica del agua.

El foro será instalado por el rector de la Universidad Central, Rafael Santos, y al debate sobre geopolítica del agua que se hará en la mañana asistirán como panelistas la directora de Asuntos Marinos y Costeros del Ministerio de Ambiente, Elizabeth Taylor; el secretario ejecutivo de la Comisión Colombiana del Océano, contralmirante Juan Manuel Soltau; el profesor de la Universidad de Buenos Aires Antonio Elio Brailovsky y el profesor del Departamento de Ingeniería Ambiental de la Universidad Central Gelber Gutiérrez, entre otros.

La gobernanza del agua está en la agenda de la tarde, en la que será conferencista principal el investigador del Instituto Mexicano de Tecnología del Agua Sergio Vargas.

Al debate de este eje temático acudirán Ramón Leal, director ejecutivo de la Asociación de Corporaciones Autónomas Regionales de Desarrollo Sostenible (Asocars) y Hernando Márquez, consultor experto en agua potable y saneamiento básico.

Para el viernes está prevista la discusión sobre el abastecimiento del agua, que tendrá como conferencista a Ricardo José Lozano, CEO de People & Earth de Colombia. Estarán también como panelistas Pierre Urriago, director de las Cámaras de Acueducto, Alcantarillado y Aseo (Andesco); Cristian Díaz Álvarez, director del Departamento de Ingeniería Ambiental de la Universidad Central, y Dagoberto Bonilla, director de la Federación de Usuarios (Federriego).

LUCEVÍN GÓMEZ E.
Redactora de EL TIEMPO
lucgom@eltiempo.com

 

 

segunda-feira, 15 de setembro de 2014

Medalha de Mérito Pedro Ernesto à Marilia Carvalho Guimarães

O Professor Theotonio dos Santos estará hoje na mesa de debate durante a entrega da Medalha de Mérito Pedro Ernesto. Segue o convite:


Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro

O Exmo. Sr. Presidente da Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, Vereador Jorge Felippe, por iniciativa do Exmo. Sr. Vereador Leonel Brizola Neto, tem a honra de convidar para a entrega do Conjunto de Medalhas de Mérito Pedro Ernesto à Exma. Sra. Marilia Carvalho Guimarães, professora e Presidente do Comitê Social Coração Azul - Rio, contra o Tráfico de Pessoas e Erradicação do Trabalho Escravo, a realizar no dia 15 de setembro de 2014, às 11h, no Plenário dessa Casa de Leis.


sexta-feira, 12 de setembro de 2014

IX Seminário Internacional de Lutas contra o Neoliberalismo 23 anos do Inverta, 22 do Granma Internacional e 10 da Prensa Latina no Brasil

O jornal INVERTA convida a todos, militantes, amigos e simpatizantes para as atividades de comemoração do 23º aniversário do Jornal Inverta, 22 anos de circulação no Brasil do jornal Granma Internacional e 10 anos do acordo com a Agência de Notícias Latino-Americana (Prensa Latina), que serão realizadas nos dias 26 e 27 de setembro no Rio de Janeiro.
Nesta ocasião, estaremos organizando o ato político, o IX Seminário Internacional de Lutas contra o Neoliberalismo e o ato cultural.

A abertura será na Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), com a participação de representações internacionais de Cuba, da Bolívia, da Coreia Democrática e de outros países, dos Comitês de Luta contra o Neoliberalismo e pelo Socialismo, que integram o Movimento Nacional de Lutas em todo o Brasil e que vêm fazendo desse encontro anual um momento de reflexão sobre suas lutas e de debates sobre os próximos passos das lutas sociais em nosso país e no mundo.

O tema central do encontro será “A crise do capital, a guerra imperialista e as lutas sociais”. Com esta abordagem, o Seminário pretende avaliar o descrédito e as derrotas que o neoliberalismo acumula em várias partes do mundo.

No entanto, não há quem acompanhe o que ocorre no mundo que não se pergunte se um conflito maior está por vir. Os dias que se seguiram à queda do avião da Malásia na Ucrânia e à guerra genocida do governo israelense contra os palestinos mobilizam novamente a consciência dos povos sobre a necessidade da luta pela paz e contra a guerra imperialista. Além disso, a reunião do BRICS em Fortaleza e a luta pela unidade latino-americana e tricontinental também serão temas de reflexão.

Para oferecer subsídios às lutas haverá um tema mais específico, voltado para “A crise do capital e suas implicações na educação e na saúde”. A particularidade da educação e sua relação com a crise do capital se expressa nos avanços do capital monopolista nesta área e nas contradições que a ampliação do acesso à educação tem trazido.

A luta por uma educação integral deve levar em conta esse desafio refletindo as mediações entre a conjuntura e as mudanças estruturais de médio e longo prazo.

A atuação dos comitês de luta contra o neoliberalismo na educação e por uma educação não capitalista, portanto socialista, podem ser as bases da campanha pela educação que organize os setores sociais que de fato precisam de uma educação pública voltada para a formação onilateral, que começa agora com a ampliação de vagas, e da luta pela qualidade, e que somente será alvo de mudanças estruturais com a revolução comunista.

Da mesma forma, identificamos avanços importantes na introdução do Programa Mais Médicos, que não resolve nenhum problema estrutural na saúde, mas permite abrir o debate sobre outro modelo de medicina voltada para a prevenção e revestida de conteúdo social.

Para apresentar seus estudos sobre os temas acima já estão confirmados os conferencistas Aluisio Pampolha Bevilaqua, Ana Alice Teixeira, Gaudêncio Frigotto, Lincoln de Abreu Penna, Sandra Regina Pinto dos Santos, Sérgio Sant'anna, Theotonio dos Santos e  Zacarias Gama.

Também estará presente o correspondente da Prensa Latina no Brasil Leovanis Garcia.

Assim, o Seminário terá o desafio de aproximar as lutas mais imediatas das organizações sociais com a luta mais geral contra o capital e pela alternativa comunista, para que assumam a forma tática de um Plano de Emergência que aponte na direção das mudanças estruturais.

A forma como as oligarquias intervieram nesse momento na campanha eleitoral demonstra que a queda de aviões em meio a uma guerra não pode ser considerada simples acidentes aéreos (como o avião da Malásia já apontara).
Como a atividade artística também tem um significado importante na luta dos trabalhadores por sua emancipação, não poderia faltar no aniversário do INVERTA o ato cultural, que será realizado no dia 27/09, no Instituto Superior de Educação do Rio de Janeiro (ISERJ).

Ele se inicia no almoço de adesão e encerra a programação com apresentações de música latino-americana, MPB, clássicos, rock, hip hop, baião, forró pé de serra, teatro, dança etc. Confira a programação:

Convidados Internacionais confirmados:
Exma. sra. Nélida Hernández Carmona Cônsul Geral de Cuba em São Paulo
Ilmo. sr. Paek Tong Un Conselheiro da Embaixada da República Popular Democrática da Coreia
Exma. sra. Shirley Orozco Cônsul Geral da Bolívia no Rio de Janeiro

Palestrantes confirmados:
Ana Alice Teixeira Médica na Secretaria de Estado de Saúde (RJ) e pesquisadora do CEPPES
Aluisio Pampolha Bevilaqua Cientista Político, Editor-chefe do Jornal INVERTA e do conselho da REGGEN/ Cátedra da Unesco de Economia Global e Desenvolvimento Sustentável
Gaudêncio Frigotto Professor adjunto da UERJ, Professor aposentado Titular em Economia Política da Educação da UFF e Pesquisador AI - Sênior do CNPq
Leovani García Corespondente no Brasil da Prensa Latina
Lincoln de Abreu Penna Professor titular da UFRJ e presidente do Modecon
Sandra Regina Pinto dos Santos Doutora em Educação pela UFF e Diretora Geral do ISERJ
Sérgio Sant'anna Doutor em Ciência Política pela UFF, Professor de Direito Constitucional da UCAM, Procurador Federal, Membro e Presidente da Comissão de Direito da Integração do IAB e Conselheiro da OAB-RJ
Theotonio dos Santos Professor visitante da Uerj e Emérito da UFF e coordenador da REGGEN/Cátedra da Unesco de Economia Global e Desenvolvimento Sustentável
Zacarias Gama Doutor em Educação pela UFRJ e Professor associado da Faculdade de Educação da UERJ


Inscrições gratuitas pelo site http://ceppes.org.br/seminario

Programação (sujeita à alteração)
26 de Setembro Local: UERJ - R. São Francisco Xavier, 524 - Maracanã - Rio de Janeiro - auditório 91
18h00 - Credenciamento
18h30 - Abertura do Seminário com a presença das representações internacionais
27 de Setembro - Local: ISERJ - Rua Mariz E Barros, 273 - Praca da Bandeira, Rio de Janeiro
8h - Credenciamento e Exposição de Artes Plásticas e Literatura Revolucionária
9h às 10h30 - Mesa Temática 1 A Crise do Capital e suas implicações na Educação e na Saúde
10h30 às 12h - Mesa Temática 2: A Crise do Capital e a Luta contra a Guerra Imperialista
12h às 13h30 - Almoço Cultural com Marília Bevilaqua
13h30 às 14h30 - Ato Político de Comemoração do Aniversário
15h00 - Ato Cultural: Trio Latino-americano, Roda de Amigos (Odette Erneste Dias, Gonzalo Saldarriaga, Cosme e Ananias), Marilia Bevilaqua, Originais do Sudeste, Moraes do Acordeon, América Vermelha, Venelop, Diurnos, Chapa 2, Cia de Arte INVERTA, Em Parte, Idioraci Santos, Suzana Savedra, Milla Ballet, Cia de Dança Gia Nut e outros.
Obs: Serão fornecidos certificados de participação na atividade pelo CEPPES


Comemorou-se ontem 41 anos do golpe de Estado dirigido pelo General Augusto Pinochet contra o Presidente eleito do Chile Salvador Allende (Parte 3)

Jorge A. Lawton se define como um binacional, cidadão dos EUA e do Chile. Não somente participou intensamente do processo chileno, sobretudo como correspondente internacional, mas ainda depois do golpe do 11 de setembro converteu-se em um ativo e efetivo militante dos movimentos desenvolvidos nos EUA para denunciar as violências da ditadura militar. Ele teve um papel muito grande como assessor do Procurador-Geral Ramsey Clark e da Comissão do Senado dirigida pelo Senador Church e como assessor do ex-Ministro das Relações Exteriores da Unidade Popular, Orlando Letelier, assassinado em setembro de 1976 em Washington. Saindo de uma forte enfermidade o Dr. Lawton nos apresenta suas reflexões sob o título de "Lições do Golpe de Estado no Chile de 11/09/1973". Seu testemunho e suas reflexões trazem este elemento extremamente importante: o ponto de vista dos militantes dos EUA sobre o golpe de Estado e particularmente sobre o papel dos EUA tanto no golpe de Estado como no Governo fascista que reinou com as mãos ensanguentadas e pelo regime de terror com o qual os EUA teve direta participação e até articulação e apoio. Entrego em seguida a versão em inglês deste excelente trabalho. Os interessados que não leem em inglês podem traduzi-lo através do Google.



LESSONS FROM THE 9/11/73 COUP IN CHILE

Jorge A. Lawton, Ph.D.

Jorge A. Lawton is a binational from the U. S. and Chile. During the Allende Popular Unity years, he worked as a daily staff reporter for the Financial Times (London) from Chile . In May of 1974, he returned to Chile as advisor to former Attorney General Ramsey Clark. Subsequently he worked as Latin American analyst on the Senate “Church Committee”, and as advisoto former Chilean Foreign Minister, Orlando Letelier until his September 1976 assasination. Today, Dr. Lawton, former Distinguished Fellow at Emory University's Center for Ethics, writes and works from Atlanta, GA.
~ ~ ~

Pre-dawn, on Tuesday morning, 9/11/73, three years of relentless intervention by the hemisphere's greatest power, the United States, succeeded both in choking off Chile's historic experiment in it's “transition to socialism thru democracy”, and in giving birth to the brutal Augusto Pinochet years of dictatorship. For many reasons, both U. S. perception and policy against the “Allende experiment in socialism”, as well as U. S. support for and use of the Pinochet alternative are rich in present day and future lessons. Their close examination also reveals how only the same relatively limited repertoire of policy tools is likely to be available to implement U. S. interests in the future.
Over these past four decades many formerly classified documents have been brought to light, and significant architects of the Chile policies have been intervivewed. Not the least of these efforts came in l974-75, through the Senate Select Committee to Investigate U. S. Intelligence Activities, popularly known simply as the “Church Committee”, after its Chair, Senator Frank Church (D. Idaho). Valuable additional documentation has been unearthed thru persistent Freedom of Information Act, or “FOIA”, requests for declassification by public interests groups such as The National Security Archive (WDC) and The Center for Constitutional Rights (NYC), as well as authors and teams of investigators in Chile and abroad. Finally, some of us who lived through and survived those turbulent years, now growing older, are also putting pen to paper.
In the short space of this anniversary blog, I will attempt to address four of the more persistent questions surrounding U. S. behavior and “the Chilean experience”:
(1) Who constituted the the Popular Unity Coalition and what was the essence of its social base?
(2) What were the four central strands making up the anatomy of Nixon/Kissinger policy toward the Allende Popular Unity Coalition in 1970-73?
(3) What was most responsbile for Allende's overthrow: a) strategic errors of his own coalition? b) internal opposition forces ? c) external opposition forces?
And finally, (4) What were the fundamental post-coup priorities of the United States ?
~ ~ ~
The Popular Unity Coalition
Senator Salvador Allende, M.D., had been a presidential candidate in 1958, again in 1964, and again in 1970. His Popular Unity Coalition had been growing in strength over the years, and by 1970 included six broad parties: 1) Allende's own Socialist Party; 2) the Chilean Communist Party; 3) the middle-class, non-Marxist Radical Party; 4) the Left Christian Party, a splinter from the powerful opposition Christian Democrats of the Center-Right; and 5) & 6)two new parties, MAPU and MAPU-OC (Obrero Campesino / Worker Farm Laborer).
The radical, pro-insurrectionary “MIR”, or “Movement of the Revolutionary Left”, tho allied, did not form part of the Popular Unity coalition. MIR could be seen as representing an ideological pole far more than any offering a strategic alternative. Tactical differences between Chile's broad Socialist Party – advocating “advance without concessions”, and its old and more traditional Communist Party – advocating “consolidate first in order to advance”, were evident on nearly every level. The great majority of organized labor also situated themselves firmly within the ranks of the governing U. P. coalition.
Aligned against the Popular Unity parties were Chile's center-right Christian Democrats; also a conservative splinter from the majority, middle of the road Radical Party; the traditional right wing National Party; and even an open, neo-fascist shock group known as “Fatherland and Freedom”. Increasingly groupings of “guilds” or “gremios”, and “owner associations”, such as the truck-owners SIDUCAM, worked with the opposition.
The prevailing mood among all of the parties and social groups in the U. P., from neighborhod and community organizations through the six parties, was overwhelmingly one of optimism and hope. There was a keen awareness, even in the midst of unbridled opposition and mounting chaos, of how, as organized workers, they were fundamentally transforming Chilean society.
For the status quo defending parties, the mood was increasingly one of apprehension and visceral opposition to each and every U. P. initiative. We will see how U. S. policy worked to further increase this polarization on every level, and in its own words, “create a coup climate.”

~ ~ ~
The View from Washington

Richard Nixon viewed Allende's surprise plurality election in September, 1970, as evidence of a “red sandwich” – with Castro's Cuba in the north, and now “Marxist Chile” in the south, where “soon all of Latin America in between may turn Communist”. Henry Kissinger was somewhat more sophisticated. If allowed to succeed, Kissinger viewed the cooperative coalition between Chile's Socialist and Communist parties as posing “an insidious example” to similar coalitions in France and Italy – whose societies were accepted as directly effecting U. S. strategic interests.
Nixon was clear in his immediate instructions to his national security advisors at Allende's election: “Make the economy scream”, he privately ordered. Subsequently, U. S. Ambassador Edward Korry would privately pledged that “not a nut or a bolt” would make it into Chile on his watch.
The U. S. national security state under Nixon/Kissnger quickly developed a powerful anti-Allende policy with four strands: 1) diplomatic deception; 2) military-to-military intervention; 3) economic pressure/strangulation; and, 4) a series of “covert actions”.

U. S. Diplomatic Deception.

While the full force of U. S. power in fact moved swiftly and mercilessly against Allende's Chile, the official U. S. position was deceptively conciliatory: “Our position is one of “wait and see”. We are prepared to have the kind of relations with the Allende government that they want to have with us.”
Officially, the llitmus test for the Nixon Administration was said to be whether or not they were satisfied by the terms of indemnization by the Allende government for the private U. S. owned transnationals, particularly the U. S. copper corporations – Anaconda, Kennecott, and Braden, but also I.T.T, Chase Manhattan Bank, and not to be overlooked, Nixon's former client, Pepsi Cola!
U. S. ire was hardly calmed when, after months and months of deliberations, Allende's international legal counsel, Eduardo Novoa, declared that neither side owed the other anything. According to Novoa's doctrine of “retroactive excess profits”, adoped by Allende, the transnationals would still end up with a traditionally acceptable annual profit even if not paid anything further for the nationalization of their properties in Chile.

U. S. Military Intervention.

Much of what has been publicly revealed, especially by the Church Committee, of the U. S. military actions against the Allende government, falls in the initial months in which the U. S. attempted to prevent Allende from being confirmed by the Chilean congress, rather than three years later at the time of the 9/11/73 coup itself. Yet we know that U. S. opposition to Allende not only did not wane, but significantly intensified as time went on. Thus it would hardly be logical to expect U. S. military advice to have become less involved and less interested as the military ultimatum against the Allende regime escalated month after month.
In the earlier, pre-confirmation period, we know that the U. S. went as far as to dispatch three “false flag” clandestine officers to Chile with submachine guns whose serial numbers had been erased. These clandestine U. S. officers, traveling as nationals of other countries, had instructions to pass these weapons to one of two renegade Chilean military factions in order to kidnap the constitutionalist Commander-in-Chief of Chile's Armed Forces, General Rene' Schneider. In the assault, General Schneider resisted and was assasinated. This U. S.-backed terrorist action so shocked Chile's constitutionalist majority, that it turned out to have precisely the opposite effect, facilitating Allende's confirmation by the Congress on October 24, 1970.
The first signs of the Chilean military coup itself came in the pre-dawn hours of 9/11/73, and commenced with the uprising of the Chilean Navy in the principle port of Valparaiso. Just concluding at the time were the War Games being carried out by the U. S. Navy under Operation Unitas. It was the unguarded boasts of U. S. Navy officers, gathered at Viña del Mar's Hotel O'Higgins on the Sunday night prior to the Tuesday a.m. coup, that U. S. filmmaker Charlie Horman witnessed, leading to his subsequent kidnapping and “disappearance”, later portrayed in the film, “Missing”.
In the capital of Santiago, as in cities up and down the length of Chile, the intricate choreography of the coup was carried off with a precision previously unassociated with Chile's Armed Forces. Were they operating alone as we have been led to believe by the “official accounts”? All traffic intersections and bridges had been taken over and controled; all radio and T. V. stations taken over; all “intervened” worker-controled factories were surrounded and controled by specialized military units; a master “watch list” of the thousands upon thousands to be arrested, interrogated and held had been prepared and distributed; and as the two British Hawker Hunter bombers slowly passed over La Moneda, the presidential palace, fixing its coordinates to launch it's missiles, someone was there to film the bombing and burning of the constitutional symbol of the palace, with the elected president inside –and then feed the film to the national television channels. The resulting burning image was run over and over, exclusive T. V. content, accompanied only by various official pronunciations and citizen warnings from the new military junta!
After three years of intensive preparation and unremiting hostility, are we really to believe that onthe day of the coup itself, and subsequent days, the U. S. military advisors were on vacation?

U. S. Economic Pressures

Immediately following Allende's election, the Nixon Administration established an interagency working group to coordinate overt economic pressure toward Chile. This was composed of the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division Chief, and representatives from State, the NSC, and Treasury. In 1970, U. S. direct private investment in Chile reached $1.1 billion, out of an estimated total foreign investment of $1.672 billion. Four-fifths of Chile's foreign exchange earnings at the time came from copper exports, and 80% of Chile's copper production was controled by U. S. based corporations.
The N. S. C. decision to isolate Chile from all sources of needed foreign capital, summarizedin National Security Defense Memorandum 93 of November 1970, can be traced in the macro statistics. While U. S. bilateral aid to Chile in 1969 reached $35 million, this had been cut to only $1.5 million in 1971. U. S. Export-Import Bank credits, which had totaled $234 milionunder President Eduardo Frei in 1967, fell to zero by 1971. Chile's credit rating with the Ex-Im Bank was dropped from “B” to “D” (it lowest level) at Allende's election. Loans from the Inter-American Development Bank had totaled $46. milion in 1970; by 1972 they were only $2 million. The World Bank made no new loans whatsoever to Chile between 1970 and 1973.
As the Church Committee Senate report states, “the United States [also] linked the question of indemnization for U. S. copper companies with Chile's multilateral foreign debt. That foreign debt, an inheritance from the obligations incurred by the [previous Chilean governments of Presidents] Alessandri and Frei, was the second highest foreign debt per capita of any country in the world . Yet, in the 1972 1n 1973 Paris Club foreign debt negotiations with Chile's principal foreign creditor nations, the United States alone refused to consider rescheduling Chile's foreign debt payments until there was movement toward indemnization for the U. S. copper companies. The United States also exerted pressure on each of the other foreign creditor nations not to renegotiate Chile's foreign debt.”

U. S. Covert Actions

What do we mean by the category “covert actions”? Broadly speaking, these are activities which the United States government authorizes, pays for, coordinates, and carries out without ever divulging any association or responsibility. They may often be falsely attributed to other authorities or entities. In intelligence slang they are often loosely referred to as “dirty tricks”. This may involve clandestine payments to individuals or parties, covert military to military activity, or, one of the broadest and most significant categories in the case of U. S. policy toward Chile, “psy-ops” or psychological operations”. This is non-attributed, or falsely attributed (“black”) propaganda pouring into a country such as Chile to act as “scare tactics”, often in order to change how people vote. The information itself does not have to be true, and often is blatantly false. Ironically enough, the U. S. covert action campaigns directed against the Allende candidacy in 1964, and again in 1970 against his candidacy and subsequent government, were so massive in character, that they often betrayed thier allegedly “clandestine” nature. They thus turned out to be anything but “covert” to their targets, the people of Chile; they often were covert or unknown, however, to the U. S. people in whose name and through whose taxes they were being authorized and spent! Only with the major congressional investigation of the Church committee in the Senate, and the Pike committe in the House were descriptions of U. S. covert action programs against Chile ever revealed to the U. S. public.
The C. I. A. chose to pour millions into blatant attack copy into Chile's daily opposition radio, T.V., and print media, especially the conservative daily, El Mercurio. The funds were routinely channeled through Chile's black market, producing a 5 to 8 fold increase in a country whose entire population at the time was 1/20 that of the United States. The “covert action” strategy was twofold: First, it aimed to denigrate and smear each and every initiative of the Popular Unity coalition, and increasingly, of the character of President Allende himself; secondly, it furthered a self-fulfilling prophecy that the Allende government, per se, represented a threat to “freedom of the press”, forcing the government either on the one hand to choose between setting limits on what propaganda could be launched in the press, including suspension of printing privileges when the courts determined the attacks to be libelous, versus opting to refuse to be coerced into any such suspension and thus allowing ever more vicious daily attacks and rumors to spread. Allende and the U. P. chose to keep even the most rabid of the opposition press open and publishing all the time.

~ ~ ~
Key Factors in Allende's Overthrow

There has been a long and largely inconclusive academic debate over which factors were more influential in the overthrow of the Popular Unity government on September 11, 1973. The question is usually put in terms of the relative influence of external vs. internal opposition factors.
We know that the most significant and visible actor in provoking the coup was, of course, the betrayal of the Chilean Armed Forces: Army, Navy, Air Force, and Carabiñeros or National Police, plus their various respective, and competing, intelligence services. The C. I. A., the D. I. A., and the N. S. A. were far less forthcoming with the investigating Senate Church Committee, when it came to questions of the degree and nature of U. S. covert involvement at the time of the 9/11 coup itself, than with some of the details on the earlier “Track 1” and “Track 11” covert U. S. intervention programs. The nature of the coup being the culmination of three years of unrelenting pressure and propaganda economically, politically, psychologically and militarily is often conveniently overlooked, as it is looked at as an isolated event. Even so, serious questions continue to be raised regarding the likely continuation of the U. S. intimate role, but in a far less visible or highly more discrete deployment on the day of the coup itself. Some critics have charged that the U. S. Airforce deployed two highly sophisticated aircraft, similar to AWACs, with orders to maintain a centralized military communication system far above the capital city of Santiago, just in case the Chilean military's closely coordinated monopoly of all ground communications should suffer any unforeseen glitches.
Thus even today, 43 years after the fact, we are still limited in what forces were visible at the time, and in what information has been revealed and confirmed by official sources. This does not prevent, however, further responsible and trained inquiry, given the nature of the policy and the intervention.
We also must analyze the essence of the C. I. A.'s work. It is a clandestine agency working across national boundaries. As such, it primary task is to unite covertly the international, or external forces with the internal forces – not have one compete against the other. Both external and internal forces, so long as they are loyal to the policy's central purpose – in this case, in President Nixon's words, “to make the economy scream” and “to create a coup climate” – are aligned together if the C. I. A. and its fellow clandestine agencies are doing their job. Common cause is made between the external and the internal forces. Thus the very question as to which forces are more responsible for the overthrow is clearly the wrong question to ask.
Does this mean for a moment that Allende and the Popular Unity coalition did not commit their own errors in the intense three years of governing? Of course not. The most frequent charge against the coalition is often thought to be that of their alleged naivete'. “They should have seen the militarycoup coming and countered the same by arming the workers in a popular uprising”, runs the argument. This view, often expressed by some on the Left from abroad, ignores how acutely aware each of the parties in the U. P,. coalition were of a military coup, and how they realized that discovery by the military of introduction of any parallel armed militia, would only have accelerated the timing and resolve of the military to protect themselves and act to carry out a coup.
While many tactical errors did exist, the overwhelming thrust of the U. P, programs was one of building a new, alternative social order. Time after time, Allende, a gruff conciliator by nature, reached out to sectors of the opposition to form broader national coalitions. One such accord had been all but reached with the opposition Christian Democrats in 1972. What remained was formal approval by former President Eduardo Frei, then traveling in Yugoslavia. It was learned that Frei consulted with the Nixon/Kissinger administration before ordering that absolutely under no circumstances would his party enter into any pact with the Allende coalition. One CIA report which \\ reached the Church Committee, in dealing with the September timing of the coup, predicted that if the coup were not successfully launched then that it might well be “too late” soon after, as Allende was seen as consolidating his forces.

~ ~ ~
U. S. Post-Coup Priorities & “Los Chicago Boys”

The 9/11/73 military coup in Chile marked a bloody watershed. It heralded far more than so-called regime change”. The very democratic institutions which the C. I. A. had carried out a drumbeat of warnings as being “threatened” under Allende, primarily the country's ample electronic and print media, but also the generations-old House and Senate Chambers, were summarily closed with the coup. Strict nightly curfews were established. Gatherings of more than five persons were prohibited. A new reality, the C. I. A.-prepared “Watch List” guided mass arrests such that the overflow soon had to be sent to locales such as the National Footbal (Soccer) Stadium, now one massive political prison. Eleven new “interrogation centers”, such as Villa Grimaldi or Londres 38, were set up. Old concentration camps, such as “Tres Alamos” or “Pisagua”, not used for decades, were re-opened.
From the first moment of the coup onward, the military succeeded in cutting Chile off from Argentina to the East, while controling the northern border with Bolivia. That left control of Patagonia to the south and the Pacific Ocean to the west – effectively cutting Chile off from the world. This new territorial control was then used to corral, interrogate, and imprison not only all of the hundreds of thousands of Chilean nationals, but also, of immediate interest, the thousands of foreign nationals, including dissident leaders from their own countries, who had been welcomed to Chile under Allende. The interrogation process routinely employed torture. Summary executions ocurred widely, especially during the first weeks following the coup. Some prisoners, still alive, were cast into the Pacific Ocean from helicopters. Many were simply “disappeared”, never to be accounted for again.
One common experience was to have a non-Spanish speaking man present in the torture sessions. Not infrequently, some anti-Allende residents used the coup climate to denounce and “turn-in” any neighbors who they knew to have supported the previous regime. The highest level Chilean prisoners, former party heads or Cabinet members, were separated and sent to the extreme southern pole Dawson Island, Chile's equivalent of South Africa's Robben's Island.
Two CIA agents were assigned to prepare the military junta's own publication or, “White Book” to justify the coup itself and to present the junta in a uniquely positive light. Covert action programs designed to place the Agency in close touch with the command level of the military, and to direct the national and international media coverage in the most favorable light toward the new junta, were maintained.
The agency deployed other agents to help draw up the new national economic plans of the government. Analysts on the Senate Church Committee learned in declassified information that on the afternoon of the military coup ravaging Chile, the C. I. A. station chief encouraged his staff of officers to enjoy the bottles of champagne which they had uncorked, but to realize that “our real work starts tomorrow morning as we carry out the drafting of Chile's new economic plan.”
Even before the new national economic plan could be drafted, Chile's broad public health network and decades old social safety net had to be dismantled. “Privatization” and nearly universal “user-fees” in instance after instance replaced former public benefits; decades old Chilean trade unions, were intervened and banned. These plans were a bold copy of fundamental “neo-liberal” or unfettered, market-oriented, Chicago School principles. Deregulation became the order of the day.
Eventually it became impossible to square the more drastic of these raw capitalist measures with some of Chile's oldest constitutional guarantees. But rather than curtail the drastic economic measures, it was decided to rewrite Chile's constitution – once again, with the explicit participation of U. S. C.I.A. Agents! All new decision-making power was vested in the military junta itself; Congress hadbeen closed and the ultra-conservative Supreme Court was only too happy to be subservient to the new mlitary executive, increasingly centered in the person of Army General Augusto Pinochet. Elections, formerly a near-constant in Chilean life, were now banned, and the new constitution guaranteed unquestioned terms of rule for the new Pinochet junta and its welcoming of foreign capital. Unemployment soared under Chile's “new economy”, while a handful of well-placed financiers, including future president Sebastian Piñera, became the new billionaires.
Nearly three years later, in June of 1976, Henry Kissinger paid a visit to Pinochet's Chile. The dictatorship's human rights repression had become known around the globe. Yet, in his private meeting with Pinochet, recently declassified memos quote Kissinger confiding to the dictator, “You did a great service to the West in overthrowing Allende.” To his undoubted embarrassment, upon parting, Pinochet turned to Kissinger, and publicly assured him that, “You are my leader.”
General Pinochet remained in unchecked power for the next 17 years, until a national plebescite would vote him out. Even then he negotiated to remain as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
for another 8 years – effectively preventing any member of the military to cooperate with the various commissions of inquiry into the crimes committed by the military. And to this day, 41 years from the 9/11/73 military coup, the C.I.A.-counseled, Pinochet constitution remains in place. Socialist President Michele Bachelet, herself a former victim of the dictatorship, must now decide whether the correlation of constitutional forces even today will allow her to rewrite Chile's constitution. 

 
[(a) Corraling and repression of all foreign and Chilean supporters of the Popular Unity government,
together with corresponding “psy-ops” to portray them as “terrorists”;

(b) CIA Santiago station chief: Enjoy your champagne now, gentlemen, as of first order of business,
tomorrow morning we must draw up the plans of Chile's “new economy”;

(c) dismantling of the “liberal” Chilean state, the media, and the representative institutions;
& dismantling of the traditional Chilean social security, pension, and public health systems;

(d) banning of the Central Labor Coalition (C.U.T.);

(e) drafting and adopting of a new national Constitution;

(f) opening of the post-coup economy to transnational financial capital virtually without restriction;]

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